Article

JOHN WHEELOCK'S EUROPEAN JOURNEY

December 1932 Leon B. Richardson
Article
JOHN WHEELOCK'S EUROPEAN JOURNEY
December 1932 Leon B. Richardson

IN HIS own words this is John Wheelock's "account of my tour in Europe relative to the prosperityof Dartmouth College." As the editor of this manuscript, Prof. Leon B. Richardson, points out theCollege was in great need of funds at the time. Theyoung head of the College ambitiously sought toduplicate the well rewarded efforts of NathanielWhitaker and Samson Occom on their historic tripto England. The presentation here of PresidentWheelock's report (in his own peculiar style of composition, it should be added) is the first publicationof the manuscript. John Wheelock became presidentof Dartmouth in 1779, upon the death of his father,Dr. Eleazar Wheelock, founder of the College. Hewas a member of Dartmouth's first graduating class,1771. He served as president until 1815, two yearsbefore his death.As the author of the recently published two-volume "History of Dartmouth College" ProfessorRichardson has added another distinguished workto his many accomplishments. The MAGAZINE is indebted to him for the discovery of this interestingmanuscript and for his careful editing of it. Thestory is divided into two parts, the second to beprinted next month.

FOREWORD

AT THE death of Eleazar Wheelock in 1779 Dartmouth College and Moor's Indian Charity School were left in the most distressing financial condition. The money raised in England by Whitaker and Occom in 1766-67 (over £9000, sterling) had all been drawn and expended. The Scotch fund of £2500, obtained at the same time, was so safely held by the Scotch Society that no use could be made of it. The College and school had run largely into debt during the Revolutionary War, student attendance had sadly diminished (although rapidly to increase with the cessation of hostilities), the buildings, erected as temporary structures by the elder Wheelock, were in a dilapidated condition, and the only assets of the institution, large tracts of wild land, could only be sold at a ruinous sacrifice or not at all.

Under these circumstances it was apparent to the trustees that some radical step must be taken. The glamor of the unexpectedly fruitful journey of Whitaker and Occom, sixteen years before, still dazzled the board, and its members were hopeful that that success might be repeated. It was recognized that little could be expected from the motherland, now about to lose her hold on the colonies under the compulsion of defeat, but it was thought that a sympathetic response might be made by France and Holland, allies of the United States in the war just coming to a close. Accordingly, on September 19, 1782, the trustees "Resolved, that this board esteem it expedient that applications be made to France and other Kingdoms and States in Europe for benefactions to this Institution." They also fixed upon the form of the commission to be given to the envoys, and voted that the Reverend Nathaniel Whitaker, whose success in the previous expedition had been so great, President John Wheelock and Dr. Joseph Huntington, a trustee and a relative of the Wheelocks, "or such one or two of them as shall consent to undertake the task" should constitute the mission. If only one could be induced to go, a "companion and assistant," to be chosen from the president's two brothers or from his two cousins, the sons of the Reverend Benjamin Pomeroy, was to accompany the envoy, and the form of a commission to the "companion" was drawn up. It was also voted that $1000 should be borrowed to start the enterprise on its way, although eventually but $666 was secured.

Evidently Whitaker and Huntington declined the task, and President John Wheelock, then three years in office and twenty-eight years of age, took up its responsibilities alone. Upon his return he submitted a report of his mission; a document which has reposed in the College archives for nearly a hundred and fifty years. It seems worth publication, not only as a contribution to the history of the College, but as an indication of the condition in Europe just at the close of the Revolutionary War. Let us, then, allow John Wheelock to tell his own story.

THE INSTITUTION having suffered in its interest by many failures and embarrassments in the late war, It was thought by some leading characters in good sense and discernment that there might be numbers in Europe of abilities who, from motives of piety, generosity, or political attachments, would favor by their beneficence an object liberal, benevolent, and usefull under the smiles of Heaven.

In September 1782 the honorable Board of Trustees determined on the measure of an application to the charitable & good in some parts of Europe. It fell to my lot by their appointment to undertake in that affair. Besides the Credentials of the University, for the favorable prosecution of the design I was furnished with the most ample attestations and recommendations by the President, the members of Congress, the governors and leading military officers in the United States as to the origin, progress, extensive advantages and endowments of the Institution.1

On the first day of November, accompanied by my brother,2 I entered on the matter of my trust and left Dartmouth. We proceded from this place to Philadelphia with an intention to take some farther preparative measures; and then to set sail from that city. In the first instance I was successfull by procuring letters from his Excellency General Washington, the Chevalier de la Luzerne3 the French embassador, Governors Trumbull and Livingston and other very respectable characters, to Persons of eminent stations & influence in Europe. We were prevented in sailing from Philadelphia as a British Ship of War had fallen in, and lay at the mouth of the river Delaware. Upon which we turned our course to Boston, and, having prepared every matter, we departed from the continent on the 3d of January.

We were prospered with favorable gales, and on the 24th of the same month landed at Bell-Isle on the coast of France. The next day we passed to the river Loire, and the day after disembarked at Nantz. We stayed near a week in that populous 8c crowded city, and then left it for the metropolis. We made our Journey through the antient city of Angiers, and from there passed to Chartres. Leaving Chartres we took Alencon in our way, & proceded to Versailles, an epitome in it of all the refined pleasures of Europe. We arrived at Paris near four leagues distant on the sth of February.

The day after our arrival we paid our respects to Doctr Franklin the American Embassador. I presented to him letters from the Board of Trustees, Genl Washington, President Huntington, & Govr Green; and communicated my credentials. He observed that the design was noble and liberal; and wished to render some essential services to it. He took notice that he had made several applications to the court for the favor of very considerable sums in behalf of the United States. That he had at that instant in hand an application from Congress which he concluded to make within two or three days to the court for their additional favor to the States;— and that under these circumstances, he should blush to appear at Versailles as an advocate for the design, however important or deserving it might be. The French, he said, would think that our applications and solicitations might never end, and there would be real danger of some disgust & national disservice. We received from him much personal politeness, kindness and civilities. He invited us to dine with him the next day; and said he would get an authentic translation of the credentials (which I delivered to him) in the French language and that he would advise with one or two of his intimate and intelligent friends. At dinner the ensuing day he introduced us to the Abbe de-Morolet,4 and several other French characters. The Abbe is a man of great erudition, and well acquainted with the political springs and movements of his nation. He is towards fifty years old, is greatly esteemed by the king; and now employed by him in writing an important commercial Dictionary upon a new and improved plan. He invited us to his house, where we were treated with notice and complaisance. He remarked that the design of my agency was extensive and humane, but appeared fearful considering the Juncture of public affairs, that an introduction would be attended with some unfavorable consequences. I told Dr Franklin afterwards at breakfast, that as he in the position of affairs, thought it inconsistent to promote the affair in France, I should not take any steps to introduce the design there, nor even deliver the letter from Chevalier Luzerne to Count de Verginnes minister at Versailles. He proposed then, that we should go first to England; perhaps afterwards to Holland, and said the door might in some future time be opened in France. The Doctor offered to write to some of his Correspondents at London in favor of the subject: the Abbe Morolet likewise proposed politely to write to his friend the Earl of Shelburn. But, as the English were just emerged from a state of war, and necessitated to announce our independency against their feelings and inclination, and the clamors of the people were great, and rising against the minister, who made the overtures of peace, I could hardly think we might expect votaries at an altar of charity erected by those, whose very existence was mortifying; and for that reason we concluded first to visit the United Netherlands, and afterwards Britain.5

Messrs. Adams, Franklin and Jay6 exhibited a specimen of their Philanthropy in twenty Lui dor's each; and we received the favor of ample letters from the first (who was truly a useful friend) to Mr Dumas the public agent at the Hague, Mr Vanderkemp and Dr. Luzac at Leyden, our Commissioners of American Loans at Amsterdam, Doctr Macclaine at the Hague, & Mr Capellan Baron de Pol, at Swoll: the Second also wrote to Mr Dumas.7 After gratifying our inclination in visiting the antiquities and curiosities of Paris, having experienced the polite attention of some of the nobility and others, we concluded to leave the City on the morning of the 21st.

II PARIS is about an hundred leagues from Nantz, and near an hundred and forty from Amsterdam. In our progress to the last we passed through Cambray, Valentia, Brussels, and Antwerp. On the buildings of that country is inscribed the history of the progress of civilization. The unpolished stone, and the irregular shape of antierit Cathedrals and domes sufficiently shew that the Gothic ages knew no rules of architecture; and that the hand of the Barbarian was unacustomed to the chisel. Other buildings display the first dawning of the Arts; while others still more modern have the marks of that proportion and beauty which procede from art and taste.8 In each kingdom we see the form of government portrayed in the feelings and deportment of the inhabitants, and in going from one to the other we are notified of the difference in the former by that in the latter. But to return:

We reached the Hague about the first of March, & delivered the letters from the Embassadors to Mr Dumas, who introduced us to Mr Van Borkel, the Grand Pensionary of Amsterdam, and his brother the Dutch Embassador now at our court (they being then at that place) to whom I opened the design & credentials. They all seemed well disposed; but advised to suspend the introduction a little till the expected accomplishment of the peace with their nation should take effect. Mr. Dumas accompanied us to Leydon where we waited on Dr. Luzac & the Revd Mr Vander-Kemp with Mr Adams's letters. They thought the solicitation might soon be opened; but recommended that we first proceed to Amsterdam, and make that City the principal seat of operation.

Mr de Neufuille of the city last mentioned, in return for the letters which he received by my hand from President Huntington, Govr Trumbull, General Lincoln and others, benevolently exerted his influence, and after the expiration of a few days, went with me to the Pensionary, but to no purpose, for he continued in the same sentiment, that the proper time had not yet come. He was rather more open and explicit than before, and gave us influential motives of his opinion, 1st a jealousy among some that the states of Holland might not receive the benefit of the American trade: 2 ly the internal convultions of political parties: and 3 ly the state of national affairs.

It was now time not to expect much from the Pensionary of Amsterdam in favor of our cause notwithstanding his personal civilities. Our next attention was to wait on Messrs Willinks Van-Stepharst, and de la-Laube the Commissioners of Loans. Mr. Adams, I mentioned had written to them; and we found them sanguine friends in favor of the object. They applied to Burgomaster Kust, but he adopted the sentiments and language of Mr Van-Berkel; to whom they also made a third but unsuccessful application.

Such efforts being thoroughly used we took a tour to Swoll in the province of Overyssel, near an hundred miles distant from Amsterdam. The baron Capellan resides there. He has been noted for his friendship to these states. Govr Livingston is his correspondent and favored us with a long letter to him in behalf of our object. The Baron gave particular marks of his kind notice and attention during the two days we were at that place: But, as to the design, he thought we had no real cause of expecting success, such were the internal disorders, and such the jealousies of many respecting American Commerce lest it should be all turned into the channel of Great Britain. As to the object of my attention I urged to him and others that it was unconnected with the interests of trade, that it was pious, virtuous, & charitable, & ought to be considered as a common cause among the humane and good in every land. He owned it, but observed that mankind uould not be influenced by those motives. He asked my opinion respecting the trade of America. I told him plainly that in commerce the Americans would be governed wholly by interest, that the Netherlands might have some, but that Britain had and would have her part. He recommended not to take any actual measures in the States as it would prove futile. We then returned to Amsterdam, and about the 20th of April went to Leydon. Having weighed all circumstances I came to a determination to introduce the affair in that City. Accordingly a subscription was set on foot under the management of our friends there, Professor Boers, the Principal of the University was polite, friendly & useful. He was a particular friend of Mr L'Estevenon the baron of Haserswoude9 in the city of Harlem. He answered his general character, for sincere humanity, and sense; & is one of the richest noblemen in Europe. Readily undertaking in the cause he himself gave & among a few of his friends collected an hundred fifty pounds sterling.

It may be proper to observe that Doctor Macclaine is a great favorite of the Stadtholder, the Prince of Orange & his Court. When we first went into Holland I was expressly cautioned to have no connections with him or the members of the Court as they would probably insult the design from their political opposition to America. These hints I communicated to the Baron of Haserswoude. He assured me it was groundless; and that he was well acquainted with the Doctor, and would go with me when I should deliver Mr Adams letter (it being delivered to my discretion). On the 6th of May we waited on him; and I was soon convinced of the justness of the Baron's opinion—He observed the Catholicism, the benevolence, and humanity of the design, and could not doubt but the statdholder and his Court would patronize it. Being at that time confined by the gout, he wrote in the fullest and most favorable expressions to Baron Bentinck the adjutant general and confident of His Highness. The Baron requested a copy of some of the credentials a few days. The day following he came to my lodgings, and politely offered to introduce us at Court. We accepted the invitation, accompanied him were introduced at the Palace, and invited to a breakfast with their Serene and royal Highnesses the Prince10 and Princess; their family, the late king of Poland,11 and a number of the first noblemen in the Austrian and united Netherlands being present. My particular object could not be brought to an issue within several days. In the mean time we visited Rotterdam, and applied to Mr Van Berkel the embassador. We were obliged to him for his civilities, but could not engage him to undertake in our cause. We then waited on Mr Baelde, member of the regency in that City, and Dr Verster minister of a Dutch Church; as the Baron of Herserswoude procured letters from some of his friends in Harlam to them in our favor. They both public spirit undertook; the former among his acquaintance in the mercantile line, the latter procured the favor and approbation of the Dutch Synod there. In eight or ten days we collected towards an hundred pounds. I went also to Dort and carried letters from Mr Dumas and Dr. Versters to Mr Guiezleer the Pentionary and to Mr. Hauscrboon the Secretary of that city. I had great encouragement that a considerable collection would be made in that place. Those two gentlemen engaged to introduce it very soon after; and that they would patronize it as much in my absence as presence.

I accordingly returned to the Hague, and shortly after being at Dr. Macclain's he mentioned to me that he had just received a letter from the Right Honorable Count de-Heiden chamberlain to his Highness to be communicated to me on my return; manifesting the sentiments of particular friendship and regard which the Prince & Princess retained towards the Institution. He accordingly delivered to me an authentic translation of the priginal letter with 525 florrins: and said that Baron Bentinck (who had set off for Prussia during my absence) informed him that their Highnesses would have done more were it not for the present state of their finances and the very great demands made. The court were all friendly to the design; and Mr Blithwick the grand pentionary & minister of State, & Mr Target Secretary to the States general, as well as many others, followed the example of the sovereign.

Soon after my brother was at Amsterdam, and informed of what had been done at Court. The gentlemen there were much disappointed—soon after which I received a very polite and friendly letter from three important Houses in that City with a Bill on a banker at the Hague to the amount of £45 Sterling. These gentlemen manifested a desire to promote our design in that place, and requested me to transmit to them a copy of the Credentials that they might more effectually use their influence among others so soon as the times would favor it. Dr Macclain wrote to his friend Mr Tiching Secretary to the Dutch East India Company; and received an answer from him that as to himself personally he should willingly favor the design. Mr Pierson also wrote that the clergy of Amsterdam should cheerfully promote the affair if the police of the city would permit; for it is to be remarked that no public solicitation can be made there without the approbation of the Regency.

It was about this time that very unfavorable representations began to spread respecting the conditions of peace on the side of the United Netherlands. The nation began to be ruffled, thinking themselves the greatest sufferers among the belligerent powers. With the national spirit individuals drank in the idea of a diminution in private property. The heart, which had just began to expand with charity, was seen to contract. In this situation advising with Dr. Macclain and some other friends, it was thought most prudent to retire from the Netherlands, and visit Britain. Mr Dumas said he would transmit to us in England the collections of Dort; and the Doctor would do the same if any thing could be done among his acquaintance before we left the continent. He wrote a very ample letter by us to Mr Griffith,12 a gentleman of exceeding good sense, of influence and address. He is the Editor of the London Magazene.

My motives for going to England were to procure an apparatus and addition to our library; to look into the affair of the Scotch fund; and if (which was not much expected) the temper of the people should happen to be proper to make some collections in money.

(To be concluded next month)

John WheelockFROM THE PAINTING BY U. D. TENNEY

1By some happy chance these "credentials" survived the vicissitudes of the journey and are now in the possession of the College. The document is an unwieldy sheet of parchment, two feet square, upon which is carefully engrossed a high recommendation of the institution, signed by thirty-nine persons of public repute, including George Washington, at that time still in command of the American army, Robert Morris, Superintendent of Finances of the United States, Robert Livingstone, Secretary for Foreign Affairs and Chancellor of New York, Benjamin Lincoln, Secretary at War, the Governors (or Presidents) of Pennsylvania, Delaware, New Jersey, Connecticut and New Hampshire, Samuel Huntington, President of Congress, and twenty-eight other members of that body, representing eleven states. The document also bears the commission prepared by the trustees of the College, signed by six members of the board.

2 James Wheelock, 1759-1835, youngest son of Eleazar, was selected as the President's "companion." He was graduated from Dartmouth in 1776 and passed most of his life as a lawyer in Hanover. In later years he was alienated from his brother, and became one of the most vigorous opponents of the President in the controversy of 1815.

3 Anne Ceser, Chevalier de la Luzerne, 1741-1791, French minister to the United States from 1779 to 1783. He had been given the honorary degree of Doctor of Laws by the trustees in 1782, evidently in anticipation of the projected mission.

4 Andre Morellett, 1727-1815, author and philosopher, protege of Diderot and friend of Franklin. A member of the French Academy, he saved the charter, archives, records and manuscript of the incompleted dictionary of that institution when it was disbanded as a result of the French Revolution. The CommercialDictionary, mentioned by John Wheelock, occupied him for over twenty years, but was never published on account of the disturbed condition of the times.

5 The adroitness of Franklin in thus ridding himself of a troublesome, if minor, claimant, without in any way arousing ill feeling, affords a bit of additional evidence as to the skill and tact of the first of American diplomats.

6 John Adams, John Jay and Franklin, as representatives of the United States, were conducting the negotiations which resulted in the treaty of peace between England and America.

1 The various citizens of Holland, mentioned by the President, undoubtedly were persons of influence in their day. With such facilities as are available in Hanover, however, it is impossible to trace them.

'Although a revival o£ an appreciation for the Gothic (or, at least, a pseudo-Gothic) was under way at this time in England, as evidenced by Horace Walpole, evidently the taste of John Wheelock was that of an earlier period, which, by the very name Gothic, indicated its contempt for such structures as the work of barbarians.

"The Baron of Haserwoude was the best of the friends whom John Wheelock secured in Holland. He corresponded with the President for a number of years after the latter returned to America.

"William V, Prince of Orange, 1748-1805, Stadtholder of the United Netherlands, driven from the country in 1797, died in exile in England. His son became the first King of Holland.

11 A careful search has failed to reveal who the "late king of Poland" can have been. No stray kings of that country are in evidence at this period.

12 Perhaps John Griffiths, 1720-1803, bookseller, founder and publisher of the Monthly Review.