Class of 1902
The following letter from "Duckie" Drake is so interesting that it is used this month in its entirety for the class column: My dear Hermon:
I'spent a little over two months in Europe, the latter part of last Fall, during which time I visited the following countries:
England, France, Belgium, Holland, Germany, Switzerland, Italy, Austria, Hungary,Yugoslavia.
I found conditions in England somewhat improved over the previous year, and certainly much better than in any other country in Europe. It is a remarkable tribute to the sturdiness of the British character and their ability to "keep their feet on the ground" in times of stress, that Great Britain should be able to travel so far on the road to recovery after descending to such depths as she did immediately after the World War. I fear that our country suffers in contrast when we consider the unsound panaceas to which our Government has resorted during the past three years. When one reflects upon the small size of Great Britain and its lack of natural resources (except outside in far distant parts of the British Empire), one wonders how the British could produce the achievements for which they have been responsible. My regard for the British as a Nation is increased the more I contact with them.
I found conditions in France very bad both from economic and political standpoints. France felt the post-war depression several years later than England and is, by the same token, still in the depths of that depression, while England is well on her way out. Whenever I have spent some time in England and then pass over for a sojourn in France, I am always impressed with the tremendous contrast that there is between the Briton and the Frenchman. Undoubtedly that accounts for the fact that over a period of many centuries there have been wars between these two countries, as well as failure to understand each other in times of peace. The economic condition of France is so thoroughly intertwined with and affected by politics that one can never prognosticate business conditions without evaluating the political factor. I think almost everyone who knows France feels that its prosperity is retarded by the political system under which the country operates. This is well illustrated by the frequent change in the French Cabinets, it being a not unusual occurrence for such changes to take place several times in a year. It is easy to see that any country would be adversely affected if the Governmental authority changes frequently.
Furthermore, under the French system there are a dozen or more political parties, no one of which has the majority in the French House of Deputies and Senate. Therefore, no Government can remain in power except through a coalition of two or more political parties. Such a coalition would be difficult, even in a country like England, but is especially so in a country whose people are as temperamental and excitable as the French.
I do not wish my remarks to be interpreted as not appreciating the good qualities which the French have, but I am trying to point out the conditions in France and what, in my opinion, are the chief reasons therefor.
So far as their determination to be fully prepared for war is concerned, I think that any one who has spent a considerable amount of time with them will sympathize with the French point of view. Certainly her experiences with some of her neighbors in the not distant past do not tend to make her feel particularly secure. I think we can- not justly criticize France for her military preparedness.
One of the chief present-day questions that is on the lips of every Frenchman is "what is going to happen to the franc?" Undoubtedly the franc, ere this, would have suffered a devaluation in addition to the 80% reduction in its value which took place in 1927, if it were not for the fact that the tragedy of that devaluation was still fresh in the minds of the French people. That is why France is holding so desperately to its present gold standard. However, the consensus of opinion of most of those with whom I came into contact in France seems to be that further devaluation of the franc is inevitable and that probably it will come in the comparatively near future.
My stay in Belgium, Holland and Switzerland was brief. Switzerland has suffered greatly during the depression years and is still in its throes. As you know, it is on the gold standard and has never devalued the Swiss franc. This has the effect of making it quite expensive for American and other tourists traveling in Switzerland. Furthermore, it has greatly curtailed the exports of Switzerland. Hence, the great political issue in Switzerland, today, is whether or not its currency shall be devalued. I happened to be in Berne, the Swiss capital, on Sunday and witnessed a parade of several thousand people who were demanding that the franc be devalued so that the country's exports could be increased, thus giving work to many thousands who were formerly employed in industries whose products, were largely sent to other countries. My impression is that Switzerland will remain on the gold standard as long as does France, but, if and when the latter devalues the French franc, then the Swiss franc will likely take the same course.
Belgium's proximity to France and her ties both political and economic to that country have resulted in the franc of Belgium fluctuating pretty much in accordance with that of France. Conditions in Belgium have been, if anything, even worse than in France. The employment became so bad that 1935 saw a further aB% devaluation in the Belgium currency in addition to the larger one which took place a few years, after the World War. Shortly before my visit to Belgium, the tragic death of the beautiful young queen had occurred and the country was still more or less stunned by that unhappy incident. You will perhaps recall that she was killed in an automobileaccident when the car, driven by her husband along a road near Lucerne, Switzerland, swerved into a ditch and overturned. It so happened that when I was in Switzerland, I motored past the very spot where the accident occurred.
Conditions in Holland are somewhat better than those in France and Belgium but,, even at that, it is considerably affected by the depression in the balance of Europe. It is still maintaining the gold standard and- has never devalued its currency (theguilder). However, there is considerable apprehension about the ability of the Dutch: to prevent the devaluation, and undoubtedly such a step could not be avoided if the- French franc should suffer further devaluation.
Austria is in pitiful condition. I spent some time in Vienna, where poverty is very much in evidence. From there, I motored to Budapest, Hungary, through a beautiful country which was practically one solid, mass of splendid farms. These farms wereexceedingly well kept and were most pleasing to the eye. My motor trip through this region happened to take place on a Sunday, which is the one day of the week when the- Austrian and Hungarian peasants don their native costumes, which axe most picturesque. As I passed through the various villages, I noticed particularly that the women, were always in a group by themselves and. the men likewise.
I was very much impressed and happily surprised at what I saw in Budapest. It IS, in my opinion, one of the most interesting) as well as one of the most beautiful, cities- in the world. The people there, the Hunarians are intensely patriotic and much more noticeably so than the Austrians. I think the outstanding reason for this is that in Hungary they have a language all of their own and they are what almost might be described as a separate and distinct race from any other in Europe. They are a mixture of Mongols, Turks, Tartars, Huns and Slavs, and I was particularly interested in learning that they seem to be more proud of their Mongol blood than of any other. The Hungarians, or the Magyars as they call themselves, are exceedingly bitter over the treaty of Versailles which deprived them of 70% of the territory which they possessed at the beginning of the World War, and they live in the expectation that the territory so taken away will, in due time, be returned to them.
In Austria the language generally spoken is German and the people there are not a distinct race like those in Hungary, all of which tends to lessen the spirit of nationalism and militancy.
From Budapest I motored by the beautiful Lake Balaton into Yugoslavia and thence into Italy. The roads in Yugoslavia were not very good and the farms were generally much less prosperous looking than those in Hungary and Austria. As a matter of fact I came away from Yugoslavia with a very definite feeling that it is an exceedingly poor country with not much in the way of future prospects. Many of the peoples of Yugoslavia are most unhappy. That is particularly true of the Croats and the Slovenes who were formerly a part of the Austro-Hungary Empire. I am told that the Slovaks, who formerly belonged to Hungary, are quite unhappy in Czechoslovakia and would like to return to their old allegiance. Thus it seems to me that we have present many of the elements of a future war, when we see many of the peoples who were formerly a part of the Austro-Hungary Empire very unhappy in their present status and desiring to have the old order restored. Adding to that the strong desire of Hungary and, to a lesser degree, of Austria, to have those peoples return to their former status, we have a combination that some day must be reckoned with.
As soon as I crossed the line from Yugoslavia into Italy, the contrast was rnost noticeable, particularly so far as good roads are concerned. The main highways in Northern Italy, today, are splendid and compare most favorably with the finest roads in the United States. In fact the building of good roads has been one of the chief points in Mussolini's program of development for Italy. I passed through Trieste at the head of the Adriatic Gulf and motored from there to Milan. About sixty miles of the distance between Trieste and Milan are covered by the marvelous "autostrada" which is a toll road, about seventy-five feet wide, running in a straight line from Brescia to Milan with not a single crossroad in the entire distance, entrances to it being at intervals of only ten or twelve miles and then only on one side of it. It was easy to maintain a speed of sixty or seventy miles an hour on that road without realizing how fast you were going. This same "autostrada" continues west from Milan to Turin and north to Como and Stresa on the Italian Lakes.
I found the feeling in Italy intensely bitter against Great Britain but not much, if any, antagonism to the United States. As a matter of fact, the feeling against the British was so great that some Americans had recently been mobbed on the streets of Milan because the crowds heard them speaking English. It was interesting to notice how solidly the Italian people appear to be back of Mussolini in his present war with Ethiopia. I understand that a considerable number of people who did not support him originally in this venture soon swung into line because of resentment against the sanctions which other European nations were applying against Italy.
Germany is in a most unhappy and unsettled state. Hitler still has complete control and is steadily building up its military strength. Everywhere one sees people in brown colored uniforms—even to children, both boys and girls. The children, I am told, are being brought up to believe that Germany was not defeated in the late World War, but lost through treachery at home. They are instilled with the doctrine that the Treaty of Versailles was extremely unjust to Germany and that this wrong must be righted at the earliest possible moment. The psychology of the German is hard for us to understand, but I think I can illustrate it by narrating conversations which I had three years ago and again last Fall with a prominent German business man. Three years ago he told me that he favored war with France immediately and when I expressed surprise at his statement and asked the reason for his views, he said: —"Well—we can see nothing ahead for us. We have nothing to lose and France still has much to lose." It was the counsel of despair and desperation. But last Fall it was a different story, for he then said to me:— "No—we don't want war now. We are getting ahead and have some hopes for the future. We are not yet prepared for war." All of which indicates that the German people, as a body, are more hopeful of their future than at any time since 1914 and do not desire a war in the immediate future. The chief danger of war soon lies with those in government control, namely, Hitler and his cohorts. What they may do to upset peace in Europe no man can foretell.
One of the chief obstacles to business improvement in Germany is the monetary situation—portrayed best by the absolute restriction upon the export of German funds. For example—American companies selling goods in Germany obtain payment in German reichmarks but must leave them on deposit in a bank in Germany. This is a serious matter for American concerns who have built up a big business in Germany over a period of many years and have a big investment and a big organization there which they must protect. This condition has led to the practice on their part of making large purchases of German materials and manufactured goods which are paid for by the "blocked" reichmarks on deposit in Germany. It is a most unsatisfactory condition of affairs in every respect. Similar conditions, I am sorry to say, exist in certain other European countries, notably Austria and Hungary. It is easy to see, therefore, how complicated are the problems that are involved in foreign trade today.
One of the high spots of my sojourn in Europe was the delightful visit with Dartmouth's greatest benefactor, Mr. Edward Tuck, with whom I spent the better part of a day at his beautiful chateau in Rueil, one of the suburbs of Paris. He seemed to me to be every bit as alert, mentally, as he was twelve years ago when I met him for the first time, and his physical condition is remarkably good, considering his age. His interest in and loyalty to Dartmouth College is as great and unfailing as ever.
As my boat steamed up the harbor of New York upon my return, I could not help saying to myself—that the U. S. A. is still the best place in which to live, in spite of wild government experimentation and the many other unsound things included in the "New Deal" program.
DUCKIE DRAKE.
Secretary, 130 Woodridge Place, Leonia, N. J.
