Class Notes

Class of 1902

April 1937 Hermon W. Farwell
Class Notes
Class of 1902
April 1937 Hermon W. Farwell

How about the reunion plans? Well, I've been getting the latest information possible, and it appears that the reunion committee has been doing a swell job. Their plans have gone so far now that they are waiting to hear from you.

Massachusetts Hall will be headquarters. Those who have been back for recent reunions will remember this comfortable house. Next you will notice various special features of the program. The Saturday afternoon party at the Olivers' home is a big item, those who have been there want to go again, and those who haven't will soon learn why the others feel as they do.

And that class dinner at Stell Hall. Really I don't know how the committee was able to bring this about. It's a thrill just to look into this place, but to sit down here for a dinner with one's classmates after a long separation, that is almost beyond anticipation. If you think this is too strong a statement, wait until after the dinner and then tell me.

Sunday. Alumni are so numerous and Hanover so small that long ago it was clear that some of the alumni parties had to be held elsewhere. This time our committee pulls a third rabbit out of the hat. "We aregoing down to Croydon, twenty-two milesfrom Hanover, to have our class outingwith Charles and Ida Dudley at Camp Interlaken. We think this will be an idealplace, and we shall have the entire camp toourselves. Those of us who know Ida Dudley realize that she will be an ideal hostess,and all of us know that Charlie will do hispart to make everyone have a fine time."

Words fail me. The only thing I can do is to go to Hanover, and in person try to express congratulations to the committee, deep appreciation to Arthur and Helen Chivers and to Charles and Ida Dudley, and great sorrow for those who can not come.

On your way, 1902, and let John Gilman see how gladly and how well we can cooperate.

I had to postpone Duckie Drake's letter last month, but you have all so enjoyed his writing that I must no longer delay.

"I was absent from the United States nearly two months and, while I visited only England, Scotland, France, and Italy during that time, I had numerous conferences with the managers of the various Gulf companies operating in Belgium, Holland, Germany, Switzerland, Denmark, Norway, Sweden, Finland, and Spain. Thus I was able to obtain a bird's-eye view, so to speak, of the European situation.

"Conditions in England and Scotland appear to be exceedingly good, and I think there is general agreement that they have progressed farther on the road to recovery than any other country in Europe and certainly farther than the United States of America. This accomplishment is all the more remarkable when one realizes how completely exhausted Great Britain was at the close of the late World War from the standpoint of both finances and man power. Although, in common with most Americans, I have no liking for certain characteristics of the British, nevertheless, it is impossible not to admire those qualities possessed by them which, in times of great stress, enable them to 'carry on,' as they say, and emerge finally as victors. Although labor unions are very strong in England and Scotland, stronger, perhaps, than in the United States today, nevertheless, there is much less disturbance from strikes than we have here. I am told that this is due, in part, to legislation passed by British Parliament some years back which imposes upon the labor unions a certain degree of restraint, which is something that we all know is entirely lacking in the United States. Among things forbidden under the English law is a sympathetic strike, unless it be in the same industry. I have the feeling that some day we must have similar laws here, if we are to progress industrially as we should and without the enormous loss to both employer and employee resulting from our present system.

"In October and November, when I was in London, the chief topic of conversation was, of course, the relationship of the then King Edward with our countrywoman, Mrs. Wallis Simpson. Until almost the day when I sailed from Southhampton little, if anything, had appeared in the press of England and Scotland about this affair, the restraint thus shown being entirely voluntary on the part of newspapers and magazines published there. During the same period, the press from one end of the United States to the other devoted a great deal of space nearly every day to Edward and 'Wally.' As the American newspapers reached London they were sold out soon after arrival and the most 'juicy' articles were carefully cut out and passed around from hand to hand, occasioning a great deal of excitement. A considerable feeling of resentment was evident because of the way this matter was handled in the American press. However, there seem to be two schools of thought as to the desirability of publicity of such an incident, one holding that the best interests of the country were served by ignoring it and the other claiming that the results would have been much better if the British populace had been informed earlier through its newspapers and magazines of the existence of this affair and thus avoiding the violent shock that finally came. I think I shall let you decide which side has the better case!

"Quite contrary to the general feeling which I found during my trip to England in 1935, there is now evident conviction on the part of the British people, both high and low, that it is useless any longer to follow the disarmament idea as the best guarantee for world peace. The acceptance of this view has no doubt been reached most reluctantly, but it is, nevertheless, very definitely a fact. So we see not only Germany, Italy, France, and Russia and the other nations of Europe straining every nerve and raising the utmost possible in the way of funds to put themselves upon a strong war basis,—with Great Britain herself working as feverishly as any of her European neighbors to put herself in fighting trim. You ask me whether I think there is a probability of a general European war in the very near future. I hardly dare venture an answer to that question. Everywhere I went there was a very definite fear that such a catastrophe might occur, but, generally speaking, there was not only a hope but a real belief that some way would be found to prevent a general European conflagration, at least for several years. I think that those best informed as to conditions existing in die various European countries are firm in their conviction that no European country really wants war, but, on the other hand, there are situations existing in certain countries, notably in Germany and Italy, which are forcing them to go even to the extent of risking a war in order to obtain what they feel they not only must have but are entitled to have in the way of world trade outlets. To put it another way, it appears to be internal economic conditions in Germany and in Italy which are forcing the hands of Hitler and Mussolini and compelling them to take extreme risks of war, which, undoubtedly, they would much prefer to avoid. I have the feeling that it is within the power of Great Britain and France, with or without the aid of Russia, to pull Germany and Italy back from the edge of the war precipice by extending economic aid through the granting of large credits and providing them with much needed substantial trade outlets. Such steps, I think, would be forthcoming if, as a result, England and France were able to feel sure that the result most desired would be obtained, namely, to avert for many years any real danger of war.

"We are all familiar to a greater or lesser degree with what is going on in Spain. The struggle there is no longer a civil war perse, but has taken on a much greater significance, it being in reality a fight between the Communist and the Fascist. Without doubt Hitler and Mussolini have taken an active part in the struggles there and Russia has done likewise. Furthermore, a very considerable number of volunteers have gone from France to aid the communistic cause in Spain. I think there is some justification for the belief that this extraordinary interest on the part of Germany and Italy is due, not only to the strong desire to prevent the spread of Communism in Western Europe, but to reach a greater goal, namely, that of forcing Great Britain and France to come to their aid in a large way, economically, as the price for withdrawing from participation in the Spanish struggle. While the former reason is probably a true one, nevertheless, I believe that the latter to be not only true but the more controlling.

"My company's headquarters in Spain happen to be located at Barcelona, where we have a selling organization, a warehouse, and the usual storage tanks. As you know, this is really the 'Red capital' not only of Spain but of Western Europe and is governed by a remarkable combination of Communists, Syndicalists, and Anarchists. Soon after the war in Spain began our American manager with his family was withdrawn from Barcelona and our plant there now remains under strictly local management. I am told that our property has suffered little damage, the only losses which we have sustained to date being the confiscation of automobiles and trucks. Such oil as has been taken from us by the government has been paid for in Spanish pesetas, but it is impossible to remove these funds from Spain, and, even if we were able to do so, they would be of doubtful value. So you see that we in the United States of America, with all the unsound panaceas being applied by our federal and state governments to cure our economic and social ills, have still much for which to be thankful. There are so many others that are so much worse off!

"In France I found conditions far worse than in England, the degree of recovery in the former being much less than in the latter. As a matter of fact, in some respects, I think that 1936 might be regarded as almost the low point in the depression for France, although the latter part of that year witnessed a turn for the better. Both political and economic factors are responsible for conditions there. In fact politics and economics are so intertwined in France that one cannot evaluate the one without giving due weight to the other. The socalled 'Left' bloc is very definitely in the saddle, its control being made possible by a coalition which includes a rather large number of Communists. It is through such a coalition that Leon Blum, the premier, now holds office. Although I heard various expressions of opinion about him, I was particularly interested in an interview which I had with a certain French banker who, although holding political views contrary to those of Blum, nevertheless, is one of his very close friends. He said that Blum's outstanding characteristics were his undoubted honesty and his sense of patriotic duty. He said that both friend and foe believed him to be honest and a true patriot, and that he was probably the only man who could have handled the situation in France during the past few months. He feels that Blum is rendering a real service to his country and that he will probably be able to hold office for some time to come. Just as I was sailing for home in November, I noticed a very definite increase in the feeling of hopefulness and optimism that France had really started on the road upward, so far as economic conditions are concerned. Subsequent events have appeared to attest to the correctness of that view.

"The very different racial characteristics of the Frenchman and the Englishman show themselves in the manner in which their respective countries are governed. The temperament of the British makes it possible for them to have the kind of government which they do have, with one party exercising power for several years at a time; while from the very different temperament of the French we might well expect the existing condition, wherein we find a dozen or more parties represented in the French House of Deputies, none of which have a majority or anything approaching it, the inevitable result being a frequent change in the party in power with all the attendant disadvantages and uncertainties that such a situation brings. It is difficult to see how the French political situation can improve to any very great degree for some time to come under such circumstances. While I was in France that recent invention, the 'sit down strike,' was in full swing—and now, as we all know, our labor unions in the United States of America have chosen to emulate their French brethren. It is a vicious and dangerous weapon.

"My stay in Paris was made the more enjoyable by a visit with Dartmouth's greatest benefactor, Edward Tuck. I found him apparently little changed from last year. His mind is as keen and alert as ever, and his physical condition is remarkably good considering his ninety-four years. Upon his desk were numerous letters and documents pertaining to Dartmouth, and his interest in the College is as great and unflagging as ever. This is due in no small degree to his high regard for and great confidence in President Hopkins, a feeling which is shared by Dartmouth men everywhere.

"My return trip was by the French boat Notmandie—a. veritable giantess of the seas—being over one thousand feet long, and, when filled, carrying people enough to populate a small city. It is approximately the same size as the more recently built British ship, the Queen Mary, upon which I made my eastward voyage. The former has much less vibration than the latter and so is preferable from that standpoint, but the interior decorations of the QueenMary, in both cabins and public assembly halls, are, in my opinion, in much better taste. The service afforded by each boat is, of course, excellent, and there is no lack of entertainment, with the latest moving pictures being shown each day in a beautiful miniature theater, tea dances each afternoon, more formal dances in the evening, numerous oases with 'brass rail' decorations, etc. I hasten to add that, in spite of it all, your very humble servant got a grand rest on both the eastbound and westbound trips! Maybe that signifies advancing years, but he doesn't admit it! "Assuring you of the great anticipation with which I am looking forward to our Thirty-fifth Reunion next June, I am

"Very sincerely yours, "BUCKIE DRAKE."

Secretary, 130 Woodridge Place, Leonia, N. J Hear ye! Hear ye! Hear ye!