Second Panel Discussion

U. S. DELEGATE TO THE U. N. GENERAL ASSEMBLY

FROM past experience I know how unwise it is to challenge Sir Geoffrey Crowther, but nevertheless I am going to challenge one statement he made this morning. He said that he thought the supreme issue of this time was the maintenance and strengthening of the alliance among Great Britain and Canada and the United States. I do not agree. I think the great issue of this time is the achievement of a durable and just peace. I think nothing measures up to that as an issue or as a goal. Furthermore, I think there is great need of more cooperation among our three nations in waging the peace than has prevailed up to now. It is important that we sit down together and decide on a common strategy for achieving peace. Perhaps I should define what I mean by peace, because it is a word that is used very loosely. I do not hope ever to see peace if by peace you mean a state where there is good will among all peoples everywhere and perfect harmony. On the other hand, I do not consider that the absence of war could hope to be called peace. I think in our time what we have to accept as peace is an absence of tensions so serious that they may explode into war at any time. We have not known even peace of that kind since the end of World War II. There are of course many contributing factors to this lack of peace, but I think it's fair to say that the underlying cause has been the determination of the Russian leaders to force communism on the rest of the world by any means they have to employ. That's only one of the causes.

I recognize that we are in the midst of a world revolution among peoples who heretofore have accepted their lot but no longer do. But the underlying cause of these tensions, in my opinion, is the fact the Russians have insisted and planned and plotted to force communism on the rest of the world. And furthermore, I don't believe there is any chance for peace, as I defined it, until by one means or another the Russian leaders can be forced to shift from a policy of aggression to a policy of "live and let live." Now if that is true, all our strategy ought to be aimed at trying to bring about that kind of a shift. That's why I say that while I recognize the supreme importance of maintaining this alliance, the purpose of maintaining the alliance is to make the maximum contribution to peace.

It would be utterly presumptuous of me to try to even suggest the strategy required, but I think there are certain things which have become obvious during the last session of the General Assembly. I happen to have been a United States delegate. Perhaps my thinking is influenced by that, but I became convinced that we are not going to be able to put the kind of pressure needed on Russia, among other pressures, unless we can bring about a much better understanding between the East and the West. Kipling said, "East is East, the West is West and never the twain shall meet," but unless they do meet we are not going to have peace, and therefore the strategy of our three nations should at least encompass the achievement of much better understanding. And we have to be very careful that we don't stand before the world as a member of a bloc rather than as one nation among all the nations in the free and uncommitted world.

I happen to believe that the last session of the United Nations achieved two great goals. First of all, it stopped the spread of war in the Near East and, second, it opened the way, it prepared the opportunity, for a giant step towards peace. Why do I say that? Because events in Hungary and the fact that there was a forum before which their import could be made obvious to the uncommitted nations had a tremendous effect. 1 was there and saw it happen. I saw the delegate from the Far East, when the word of Hungary first came, ask the question, "Well, who is right? Is this a Fascist plot financed by the U.S.A., or is this a genuine revolt?" Bat as the news began to come in and they realized that this was an uprising of the workers and students, a genuine revolution in Hungary, the revolution and what happened afterwards - namely, ruthless oppression by the Russians - opened their eyes to two facts. And remember the Russians have spent billions of dollars, not millions but billions, over a period of ten years trying to convince the uncommitted nations, first, that all they sought in the world was peace, and second, that they had the greatest desire to be of help to their sister republics. Well, after Hungary they knew that Russia's accusations against us as war-mongers were not true. They knew that Russia couldn't be peace-loving and they knew that under Russia there was a new kind of colonialism being imposed upon the satellite countries worse than any colonialism of which they knew, or which they had experienced.

The result of this was that the way was open and is still open for the free nations to be of help to these uncommitted nations in trying to work out their destiny. Instead of looking to Russia they are looking to us. So here is another opportunity for far wiser people than I am to work with wise people from the other free countries, all to develop a common strategy for peace - because along with the common strategy for defense, we desperately need a common strategy for peace.

That, Sir Geoffrey, is by way of explaining why I took exception to your statement that the supreme issue was the alliance. The alliance is of supreme importance, but the supreme issue before all of us today is the achievement of a just and durable peace.